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The Polish-Romanian and the Latvian-Estonian political and military alliances, set up inwere the foundations of international order in the area, and plans to merge them into a grand Border States league continued to be nurtured although with less enthusiasm than it had been done a few years earlier. The Declaration of Common Aims of the Independent Mid-European nations adopted in the convention assembled at Independence Hall of Philadelphia in remained a generous statement of goodwill but a chimera in practical terms.
Particularly the Polish-Lithuanian confrontation with regard to the belonging of the historical capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania proved to be Achilles' heel of Border States solidarity. It paved the way to German and Soviet policy of Divide et Impera and backfired the creation of a Baltic union or a Border States league spanned between Helsinki and Bucharest.
The lack of mutual knowledge, particularly when it comes to Romanian-Baltic or Romanian-Finnish relation, the divergent national aspirations, the ideological clashes, Polish bossy attitude in the region stood in the way of reaching an agreement between the small and mid-sized nations situated in the area.
The answer to the question what to do with Soviet Russia also evoked conflicting answers. The Right typically believed that Russia should be closely monitored but surrounded by a cordon sanitaire.
It should not be allowed to participate in decisions either at regional or European level.
It referred to the belt of countries from Finland to the north and down to Romania to the south, neighbouring the most ideologically charged border of Europe. It stood witness of a divided Europe, functioning at differing speeds and acting based on most urgent security needs and concerns. While the dialogue between Western and Central Europe was unlocked at least temporarily following the Locarno Pactthe Border States persisted to be widely seen as a locus of clash between the old bourgeoisie world and the rising communist one.
The Left customarily had a different opinion. It sought for rapprochement between East and West in order to safeguard not solely their independence but their economy and trade, too.
The Baltic Left placed emphasis on the economic gains to be achieved from the restoration of trade between Europe and Russia. Torn between conflicting aspirations, it was never easy to find a lasting reconciliation between the Border States and the USSR.
The Soviet policy would not encourage that, too, transmitting conflicting signals to its neighbours also given the twofold policy of the Soviet state and the Third International.
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Even when the Soviet Union proclaimed its support for the international order based on Paris peace treaties, the Komintern continued to be perceived as an instrument devised to weaken resistance of the Border States from inside.
Bythe Briand-Kellogg Pact was signed and the same year Romania opened a Legation in Riga, the biggest town in Baltic States, centrally located on the flow of information concerning the Soviet Union.
The former emerged as an independent state from a combination of domestic ideological clashes and armed expulsion of foreign intruders. The young state gained international recognition from, inter alia, the inheritor of the former mother country, Soviet Russia, according to the Peace Treaty of August 11 th The Supreme Council of Allied Powers Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan, and Belgium on January 26 th, the Kingdom of Romania on February, 15 th communicated to Latvia on February 26 ththe United States of America July and the other sovereign nations on the globe gave a few years later their diplomatic recognition to the country situated on the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea.
The Moldovan Democratic Republic had but a brief existence and grasped the first opportunity to join their fellow Romanians in the Kingdom of Romania on April 9 th or Old Calendar: March 27 th years after their separation from the Principality of Moldova. The unification was backed at the time by the Central Powers in their power game in the Balkans and in Eastern Europe.
This created immediate incentives of cooperation with the states situated on the western border of Soviet Russia, and not in the least with Latvia. When the inter-state dialogue between Latvia and Romania begun in the early s, it already had incentives and needs of two societies to answer.
One of the first areas of cooperation was in terms of humanitarian relief granted to skolas revenge large number of soldiers skolas revenge civilians caught by the Civil War on Russian territory.
Their geopolitical position was not enviable by any possible means. This historically encouraged the inflow of people towards and from the Baltic Sea. On the other hand, Romania, although a largersq. The length of its frontiers was no less than 3, km and three of its neighbours harboured revisionist aims against Romanian territory: the USSR, Hungary and Bulgaria.
Moreover, its natural riches attracted the interest of other powers such as Germany.
It, too, lost its trust into the League of Nations by the end of the s and attempted a policy of balance skolas revenge the Great Powers. Romania shared the concern of both Soviet and German designs, although it was more afraid of Soviet revisionism than of German imperialism. Latvia could but remember that it was by sea that it had received the essential British help that supported it safeguard its independence in the aftermath of WWI.
Given these prerequisites, Latvia and Romania had a rich common agenda. Indeed, at the beginning of the interwar period projects had been under way for concluding a grand alliance binding Poland, the Baltic States and Finland together, sometimes talks being held on joining the Romanian-Polish alliance to this system.
Between and thirty-one conferences were held among the Baltic States, Finland and Poland or some of these countries at various levels, only one of which, held in September in Warsaw, was attended by Romania.
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